| Professor  Alfred Jeyaratnam Wilson (1928-2000) My Impressionsby Sachi Sri Kantha, June 8, 2012  
	
		| I  was reluctant to write this book, and for a long time after 1983 I could not  resolve the matter in my conscience. A major factor was that I was close to  President J.R. Jayewardene in the critical phase from 1978 to 1983. But as I  kept reading with horror the operations by security forces of the island state,  I realised I could no longer be a silent witness. The community of scholars  interested in Ceylon had to be told what happened when I was intermediary in  the Sinhalese-Tamil dispute in the years 1978-83. I realised too that an  analysis of the political process of which I had an inside track since the  island’s independence in 1948 would place in context my role in the years  concerned. |  The  twelfth death anniversary of Professor Alfred Jeyaratnam Wilson passed by  quietly on May 31st. Until now, I had refrained from writing about  my interaction with one of the foremost political scientists produced by Sri  Lanka in the 20th century. So, I take this opportunity to reminisce  a little.  The fact that his death anniversary falls on May 31st is  coincidental to the 1981 book burning event of Jaffna perpetrated by the  Sinhalese goons and thugs, akin to the 1933 bibliocaust conducted by the Nazi  sympathizers, should not be forgotten. Until now, I had written regularly on  this 1981 book burning event for umpteen times to this site. The four part  series, ‘Perversity of Pyromaniacs’, which I contributed in 2006, is probably  the lengthiest to document this pathetic episode. To  commemorate this 1981 event equally, I present one book  authored by Prof. Wilson in 1988. It was The  Break-Up of Sri Lanka: the Sinhalese-Tamil Conflict. My brief review (~500  words) of this book appeared in the Mainichi  Daily News (Tokyo). I present a scan of this review nearby. To remember  Prof. Wilson, I reproduce the preface he wrote to this book in March 1988,  excluding the last two paragraphs (that incorporated acknowledgments). The  words in italics, are as in the original. 
  “I  was reluctant to write this book, and for a long time after 1983 I could not  resolve the matter in my conscience. A major factor was that I was close to  President J.R. Jayewardene in the critical phase from 1978 to 1983. But as I  kept reading with horror the operations by security forces of the island state,  I realised I could no longer be a silent witness. The community of scholars  interested in Ceylon had to be told what happened when I was intermediary in  the Sinhalese-Tamil dispute in the years 1978-83. I realised too that an  analysis of the political process of which I had an inside track since the  island’s independence in 1948 would place in context my role in the years  concerned. I  have used ‘Ceylon’ advisedly because that is how the country was called for  well over 150 years before Sri Lanka was unilaterally introduced into the vocabulary of international usage in 1972;  this was done without the consent of the principal minority, the Tamils, the  community to which I belong. Sri Lanka is used in the title to convey to readers evidence of the disintegration of the  polity under its new name. My  considered view is that Ceylon has already split into two entities. At present  this is a state of mind; for it to become a territorial reality is a question  of time. Patchwork compromises, even if underwritten by New Delhi, are passing  phenomena. The fact of the matter is that under various guises the Sinhalese  elites have refused to share power with the principal ethnic minority, the  Tamils. The transfer of power by Britain to the Sinhalese ethnic majority in  1948 brought in its wake an unfortunate train of events which can best be  described as a loss of perspective on the part of the Sinhalese political  elites. Their anxiety for power led to the abandonment of principle. My  interpretative analysis is based on inside knowledge of political events, which  in turn is derived from my acquaintance with many of the political leaders of  the Sinhalese and Tamils and important members of their respective elites. Most  instructive, however, were two leading statesmen. One of these was my  father-in-law S.J.V.Chelvanayakam, who led a revived Tamil nationalism and with  whom I was in frequent contact from 1948 till his death in 1977. He was at the  centre of events as a leading Opposition figure. The  other was President Jayewardene, whom I came to know intimately in the years  1978-83. He was in many ways on a lonely eminence. He does not have a helpful  cabinet and came to office very late in his life. Whenever I was visiting  Colombo from Canada, I spent much time with him, sometimes every day. I  travelled about Ceylon with him, and was occasionally his only companion. We  had wide-ranging discussions, but I have only referred to selected matters  relevant to this book because of confidentiality and respect for our  relationship in those years. Mrs Jayewardene, a gracious lady with considerable  political acumen, joined us at times in our discussions. I  have tried to treat my subject in consonance with my academic calling, and thus  with my conscience. I have presented the facts in a historical frame of  reference. The authenticity of many of the facts can be verified in due course  through the archival arrangments I have made with Columbia University in the  city of New York. There is a proviso that the documents be made accessible  after a thirty-year time lapse. For the rest I have depended on my own notes  and on primary and secondary sources. We  live in a Third World largely of artificial sovereign geographical expressions.  The proliferation of mini-states is inevitable. Ethnicity transcends barriers  of region, religion, class and social distinctions. Leaders and political  parties in these postcolonial states, whether democratic or authoritarian,  respond to pressures from their ethnic groupings. My view of the future is  reinforced by the certainty that political problems owe their existence to  circumstances that are of more than 2,500 years’ standing* especially when the  political processes have been modernised. When the geopolitical situation has  also been activated, the hopes of an island unity are dim.” [*Foot note: Apart  from the political activities of the Buddhist clergy in independent Ceylon (and  in the days of the Sinhalese kingdoms), D.C. Wijewardene’s The Revolt in the Temple: Composed to Commemorate 2500 Years of the  Land, the Race and the Faith, Colombo, 1983, conveys the depth of Sinhalese  Buddhist feeling on the need to safeguard the Sinhalese people and Sinhalese  Buddhism.]   
 One  should remember, when Prof. Wilson wrote this on March 1988, President  Jayewardene was holding court in Colombo, and LTTE was engaged in a war with  the Indian army (euphemistically called, Indian Peace Keeping Force). SLFP and  JVP opposed the presence of Indian army in Sri Lanka and was engaged in  extra-parliamentary agitations. Though all (excluding the rabid colonialists)  agree with the sentiments expressed in the first sentence of the last paragraph  quoted above, many (holding the power whip at the United Nations) did (or do)  not agree with the sentiments expressed in the second sentence. But, later  events did prove Prof. Wilson’s forecast in the European political theater. In  1988, there were Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. In 1990s, both disintegrated into  smaller states. My  acquaintance with Prof. Wilson began in 1981, few months before I left Sri  Lanka. In April 1981, having heard that he will be visiting to deliver the  Third Chelvanayakam memorial lecture, I wrote a letter to him. Sadly, I don’t  have a copy of what I wrote to him then. But, I have preserved his reply. I  present a scan of his letter dated May 11, 1981. In fact, I met him after his  arrival in Colombo, and I also attended his memorial lecture. Few days later,  this event was reported in the Colombo  Daily News, with a montage photograph (showing Prof. Wilson and a segment  of the audience). I had preserved this document as well, because I could be  recognized in that photograph. Mrs. Emily Grace Chelvanayakam is seen in the  first row (row A), second from right. I was seated in the third row (row C),  sixth from right. Seated to my left in row C (fifth from right) was  S. Sugumaran, the son of T. Sivasithamparam, ex-MP for Vavuniya.  
 I  don’t remember having any correspondence with Prof. Wilson for the next 8 years  or so. But, in 1989, I sent a copy of my book review on ‘The Break-Up of Sri Lanka’ to him, and I received a courteous  response in May 1989. A scan of this letter is provided nearby. By that time, I  had completed my 3 year postdoctoral stint in Tokyo and moved to Philadelphia.  While reading this letter from him, I was surprised that he had remembered what  I mentioned when I met him in Colombo  in 1981. Having presented a preliminary  paper on ethnophaulism at the Annual 1980 Meeting of the Sri Lankan Association  for the Advancement of Science, I was keen on expanding my collection of vulgar  ethnic epithets used by Sri Lankan ethnic groups. While living at the  Arunachalam Hall (University of Peradeniya), I originated this study in  collaboration with my then room-mate P. Vivekanandan for curiosity and to  escape from boredom. But, having left the island, my priorities changed and I  couldn’t keep in touch with the recent trends. As such, I had to answer Prof.  Wilson that my collected data still remained unpublished. Since  1989, I have had the pleasure in corresponding with Prof. Wilson for the next  10 years. The materials we exchanged in the 1990s have to wait for another  time.  ****
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