India is Best Placed to Provide a Venue for Talks
[Tamil Guardian Editorial]

The Norwegian initiative is decidedly moving forward. Following a successful meeting on Friday with the Liberation Tigers’ chief negotiator and political advisor, Mr Anton Balasingham, a Norwegian delegation is expected to visit Sri Lanka this week. The signs accurate or otherwise of hectic diplomatic activity with regards to Oslo’s peace initiative continue to raise hopes amongst Sri Lanka’s peoples. Mistrust and caution quite rightly remain palpable, however. As we pointed out last week in the wake of the threats of renewed war unwisely articulated by Sri Lanka’s new Defence Minister, every comment by any of the parties concerned has an impact, often significantly. Tilak Marapana’s ill-timed belligerence and the hysterical protests of the Sinhala far right aside, a cumulative sense of slowly easing tensions is emerging in Sri Lanka. Little wonder then that speculation has already begun over the timing and venues of future peace talks. Norway, as the official facilitator, will no doubt be actively considering these matters already. Whilst it is far too early to plan the timing of talks there are many bridges that need to be passed first, not least the matter of de-proscription of the LTTE, an essential pre-requisite for meaningful negotiations it is not unreasonable to think about suitable venue. Arranging this will in itself be a prerequisite for setting a timetable for talks.

The Norwegian delegation, this paper learns, will be putting to the Sri Lankan government a suggestion from the Liberation Tigers that India could provide such a venue. Whilst clearly Colombo needs to share the LTTE’s sentiments on the matter and India must also be comfortable with the notion (the former also being a pre-condition for the latter) the reasons for holding negotiations at a location in south India are compelling. To begin with, Colombo is out of the question. With Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister himself at risk from rogue elements within the Sri Lankan military as events last week proved and President Chandrika Kumaratunga, a committed opponent of negotiations with the LTTE, in charge of the armed forces, southern Sri Lanka is absolutely unsuitable. Other locations which could offer both negotiating teams rapid and easy physical access to their respective leaderships in Colombo and the Vanni are decidedly few. Another key factor is the availability of suitable facilities to cater for the health and safety of the negotiators. Mr. Balasingham, the LTTE’s chief negotiator, is known to have a renal condition, requiring frequent medical checks and access to specialist equipment for treatment.

The United National Front (UNF) government of Ranil Wickremesinghe has welcomed indeed aggressively sought greater involvement by India in the island’s peace efforts. Whilst Delhi diplomatically declined to infringe on Oslo’s prerogative, reinforcing its support for Norway’s longstanding and continuing efforts, the notion of holding talks in Indian territory should not prove problematic to Colombo. Of course, the Sinhala far right, led by the Marxist and vehemently anti-Indian Janatha Vimukthi Permana (JVP) will shriek in protest. But they are, in any case, not supportive of the notion of peace with the Tamils and need to be resolutely marginalized. From Norway’s perspective, Oslo has always been cognisant of regional realities, keeping Delhi informed every step of the way with the support of both the Liberation Tigers and the Sri Lankan government. Clearly Norway would like to play a prominent role in opening any negotiations but would appreciate India’s assistance with their longer term conduct.

From India’s perspective, the hosting of such talks should be a relatively uncomplicated matter. As the regional power, India justifiably has vested interests in both securing a speedy negotiated outcome to Sri Lanka’s conflict and in the nature of the settlement itself. Whilst India’s involvement in the island’s matters in the past proved controversial, and ended unhappily for all concerned, the provision of a venue for talks in the context of the Norwegian peace initiative would be significant contribution to the latter’s success something Delhi has consistently stressed its support for. A point of opposition that could be raised domestically is of course India’s proscription of the LTTE. But that is based on as yet unresolved matters not related to the Sri Lankan conflict. The island’s war, by the same token has considerable impact on India’s regional economic, geopolitical and hence security concerns. Hence, while it remains to be seen as to when and where negotiations between the two sides will commence and continue, regional authority, geographical proximity and vested interests provide compelling reasons for the necessity of India’s assistance in this regard.