Someone
has recorded that journalists write only the first draft of history. I
can extend this pithy maxim by adding that historians (as well as
individuals concerned, by means of autobiography and memoir) then
scribble the second draft of history, which in turn is scrutinized by
the ‘Old Man’ Time, who serves as the ultimate arbiter of record
keeping.
Pirabhakaran
became a focus of attention to the journalists in 1986. He was only 32
then. For the past 15 years, this journalistic peeping via the
‘key-hole’ on Pirabhakaran has continued unabated. A rarely
available, exclusive interview with Pirabhakaran is a career-booster for
any budding journalist in Sri Lanka or India. Even the doyen of Sri
Lankan journalists, Mervyn de Silva, yearned for one interview from
Pirabhakaran, but was unsuccessful. In 1987, the year which I designated
as the ‘year of paradigm shift’ (see, Pirabhakaran Phenomenon –
part 10), two biographical essays on Pirabhakaran which appeared in the
international magazines, established his stature beyond the South Asian
region, as a young leader of note. These were as follows:
1.
‘A
Man of Surprises’. Asiaweek (Hong Kong), August 16, 1987, p.16;
an anonymous feature.
2.
The
roar of the Liberation Tigers. Newsweek, November 9, 1987, p.26;
authored by Ron Moreau and Sudip Mazumdar.
Though
Eelam Tamils know the factual details, I wish to reproduce these in
full, for the benefit of international readership, since both features
seem complimentary to each other in minor details. But a skeptical eye
is helpful for two reasons. One is about the little factual inaccuracies
in names, numbers and dates, which pepper these ‘first drafts of
history’. The other is to check the embellishments which adorn these
features, since truth doesn’t reveal its beauty to journalists who are
unlettered in the Tamil language and Tamil cultural practices. In
addition, complete reliance on ‘Sri Lankan military intelligence
experts’ (invariably Sinhalese), unnamed ‘Tamil source in Colombo’
and unnamed ‘Indian diplomat’ by the foreign journalists for
information on LTTE also have added distortions to the truth to diverse
degrees.
‘A Man
of Surprises’
[Asiaweek, August 16, 1987]
[Note:
This biographical essay appeared following the Rajiv Gandhi-Jayewardene
Accord of July 1987.]
Plump and pleasant-faced, Velupillai Prabhakaran hardly seems cast in
the same mould as Che Guevara, the charismatic Argentine-born
revolutionary on whom he patterned himself. Out of his customary army
fatigues, Prabhkaran, 33, looks like a minor politician. In fact, he is
a tough, skilled guerrilla tactician who honed the Liberation Tigers of
Tamil Eelam (LTTE) into the most powerful of the forces fighting for a
separate Tamil state in Sri Lanka. When his guerrillas began turning in
their arms to Indian peacekeeping troops last week, it was only because
Prabhakaran had ordered it.
Born a member of the low Karaya fishing caste in Valveddithurai village
in northern Jaffna, Prabhakaran learned early about discrimination. He
could not enter the same temple grounds or drink from the same well as
the village upper-caste Brahmins. Valveddithurai was then a haven for
smugglers, and the young Prabhakaran or Thambi (Little Brother),
as he was also called, - learned to fear the baton-wielding policemen
from the Sinhalese-dominated south who were sent to Jaffna to suppress
smuggling. Reports of harassment and torture of local Tamils were
frequent.
Influenced by Tamil poet Ponnudurai Sivakumar and Marxist activist Tissa
Weerasingham, the two personalities from the early Tamil militant
movement, Prabhkaran joined the Tamil Youth Front in 1973. [Note:
the description that Sivakumar was a poet is a glaring error.] The same
year, his name appeared on police dossiers. Fearing capture, he fled to
Madras, capital of India’s southern Tamil Nadu state. He was then just
nineteen.
In Tamil Nadu, Prabhakaran received military training in a program
thought to have been funded by India’s intelligence agency. On
returning to Jaffna in 1975, he joined the Tamil New Tigers (TNT), and
within a year had established himself as head of the 100-member militant
band. ‘From the beginning Prabhakaran was ambitious and power-hungry.
He hated taking orders from others and this was matched by the charisma
of a natural leader’, says a Sri Lankan military intelligence expert.
In the early morning of July 27, 1975, Jaffna’s mayor, Alfred
Duraiappa, was about to get out of his car to enter a Hindu temple when
three young men walked up and shot him dead with .38 police pistols. One
of the hit men was Prabhakaran. The assassination not only marked the
beginning of the Tamil separatist movement, it established Prabhkaran as
the movement’s dominant leader. Personality clashes with deputy Uma
Maheswaran, however, finally led to the TNT disbanding in 1980.
Prabhakaran then joined the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation, another
militant Tamil group headed by Thangadurai. When the TELO leader was
captured by security forces, Prabhakaran jockeyed for top spot, but was
outmanoeuvred by ‘Tall Sri’ Sabaratnam. Prabhkaran soon quit TELO to
organize the Liberation Tigers.
‘Prabhakaran was a strict disciplinarian. Training of our cadres was
highly regimented and they were banned from what he considered vices –
smoking, drinking and the like’, recalls his lieutenant,
Sivasubramaniam Kanagaratnam, alias Capt. Raheem. Adds a Colombo-based
military officer: ‘Anybody who stepped out of line of this tough
disciplinary code was killed and their families destroyed’. However,
Prabhakaran in 1984 flouted his own strictures against sex and marriage
when he wed Madhi Vadani, an undergraduate from Jaffna University.
In 1982, the Tiger Chief was ambushed in a Madras bazaar by erstwhile
comrade Maheswaran, who had formed his own guerrilla band. In the
ensuing shoot-out both were injured, and later arrested by south Indian
police. But Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.G.Ramachandran, who acted as the
militant’s benefactor, had them released on bail. Singled out for
favour was Prabhakaran, who often used Tamil Nadu as a sanctuary. The
relationship cooled somewhat when the chief minister, at New Delhi’s
prompting, ordered state police last November to disarm all guerrillas,
including Prabhakaran.
After Sri Lanka’s ethnic riots of July 1983, thousands of Tamils
living in southern Sri Lanka fled to India and to a comparative safety
of Tamil-dominated Jaffna peninsula, a militant stronghold. The LTTE
launched an intensive recruitment drive and by the end of 1984, its
cadres had swolledn to more than 10,000. To fulfill his single-minded
quest for power, Prabhakaran ordered a vicious campaign against rival
guerrilla groups. The Tigers killed at least 1,700 militants, including
TELO’s Sabaratnam. The usual form of execution was to tie the victim
to a lamp post and shoot him or her at point-blank range. ‘One of
Prabhakaran’s main problems now will be to protect himself and his
comrades from the wrath and vengeance of the survivors of these
groups’, a military observer told Asiaweek.
Prabhakaran himself is a master in the art of survival. He successfully
escaped capture and death when, during the Sri Lankan Army’s May
[1987] offensive in Jaffna, he was marked for assassination. Now that
the fighting seems over, however, he may require a different kind of
skill. ‘He has proved himself to be a shrewd and capable leader’,
notes Dr.Neelan Thiruchelvam, a moderate Tamil intellectual, ‘but his
political ideology remains hazy and without direction’. The Tiger boss
has bluntly refused a political role as chief minister of an amalgamated
Northern and Eastern province, and even his closest comrades do not know
what his next move will be. But, as his close lieutenant, Raheem, points
out, ‘Prabhakaran is a man of surprises.’
In
hindsight, one can chuckle at the 1987 comment of Neelan Tiruchelvam
that “his [Pirabhakaran’s] political ideology remains hazy and
without direction”. It turned out to be that, rather than Pirabhakaran
who had not shifted an iota from his political stand since 1983, it was
Tiruchelvam who exhibited direction-less, hazy political ideology,
between 1987 and 1999, by shifting his allegiances from TULF, to UNP and
subsequently SLFP.
The roar of the Liberation Tigers
[Newsweek; November 9, 1987]
[Note: This
biographical essay appeared, when LTTE was engaged in fighting the
Indian army in Eelam.]
Velupillai Prabhakaran may not be a household name elsewhere, but in Sri
Lanka he has become the stuff of legend. He is the wily guerrilla leader
whose outnumbered Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) bloodied the
Indian Army in Jaffna, then slipped away to fight again another day. He
is a strict disciplinarian who neither smokes nor drinks. He wears a
magnum revolver, and once kept a leopard cub as a pet. He has slipped
past police and soldiers many times – once disguised as a Catholic
priest, another time as a peanut vendor. For inspiration he likes to
watch Clint Eastwood video cassettes. He is a 33-year old family man
with two small children, but he is also addicted to the sound of
gunfire. But above all, Prabhakaran is a man obsessed by a dream; to
carve out an independent Tamil state in Sri Lanka.
In pursuit of that dream, Prabhakaran turned to political violence at an
early age. Born in Valvettithurai, a fishing town on Sri Lanka’s
northern coast, he grew up burning with outrage over the discrimination
Tamils had to endure in Sri Lanka’s Sinhalese-dominated society. He
dropped out of school and became a militant Tamil separatist. In 1973 he
fled to India, one jump ahead of Sri Lankan police. But in 1975 he
returned home and – at the age of 21 – led a three-man hit squad
that assassinated the mayor of Jaffna. Prabhakaran took over the Tamil
Tigers, and by 1983 had molded them into a tough and disciplined
fighting force ready for battle. That year, on July 23, he and a group
of his guerrillas ambushed a Sri Lankan military convoy in the Jaffna
peninsula. The Tigers killed 13 soldiers. Prabhakaran, it is said,
personally cut down nine of them with his machine gun.
The convoy ambush caused a quantum leap in Sri Lanka’s ethnic
conflict. Outraged by the killings, Sri Lanka’s Sinhalese went on a
rampage all across the country. In Colombo alone, Sinhalese mobs killed
more than 300 Tamil men, women and children. The anti-Tamil violence
gave Prabhakaran a pretext to declare an all-out guerrilla war in
defense of his own people.
But he had no intention of allowing any separatist group other than his
own Tamil Tigers to lead the struggle in the name of Tamil Eelam, the
Tamil state he hopes one day to establish. Prabhakaran has targeted his
rivals ruthlessly as he has the Sinhalese. A year ago Prabhakaran’s
Tigers killed more than 100 rival militants, then paraded the bodies
through Jaffna as a warning to other potential challengers. And even
after the Indian-sponsored peace treaty was signed last July, the LTTE
killed scores more rivals in order to establish absolute Tiger supremacy
in the administrative areas proposed in the agreement.
Those who know him maintain that Prabhakaran has no political ideology.
He sometimes mouths Marxist jargon, and admires Fidel Castro and Che
Guevara. But at heart he is a freedom fighter – not a revolutionary.
The ideology that drives him is little more than the dream of becoming
the father of a new country, the independent state of Tamil Eelam. How
he would govern such a state is far from clear. ‘Prabhakaran is not
politically astute and doesn’t have a detailed grasp of Tamil
aspirations or how to achieve them politically’, one Tamil source
says. ‘He’s only interested in the big picture; how to establish
Tamil Eelam’.
The Indian officials blame Prabhakaran for the breakdown of the Indo-Sri
Lankan peace accord arranged last summer by India’s Prime Minister
Rajiv Gandhi. ‘He had it within his power to give momentum to the
process of bringing peace and normalcy’, says an Indian diplomat.
‘But he didn’t deliver. If he hadn’t been unreasonable, we could
have avoided this terrible tragedy’. The Indian offensive against
Jaffna gave Prabhkaran a new lease as a guerrilla leader. ‘He
couldn’t play the institutional, diplomatic game with any success’,
says a Tamil source in Colombo. ‘But now he’s doing what he knows
best – fighting’. Somewhere in Sri Lanka, Prabhakaran and 1,200
survivors of the Jaffna siege are still at large. Sooner or later, they
are bound to strike another blow for Tamil Eelam.”
Analysis of Pirabhakaran’s Excesses
While
reading the two biographical essays, one can note the rendering of two
facts which mark the early career of Pirabhakaran. One is the 1975
assassination of Duraiappah, in which Pirabhakaran is identified as one
of the three hit-men. The other is the ruthless nature of
Pirabhakaran’s LTTE which elevated itself to power in 1986, by
decimating the competing Tamil militant factions. As once noted by
Sirimavo Bandaranaike (when she was out of power), “Facts sometimes do
not give us the whole truth” (Lanka Guardian, June 1, 1990,
p.10). Journalists, being in a hurry to beat the deadline, do not bother
to reflect on the question of ‘why’ LTTE had to take such a drastic
action, which left an unpleasant taste in the Eelam campaign.
At
least one Indian journalist, K.P.Sunil, who also authored a biographical
essay on Pirabhkaran to the Illustrated Weekly of India (Bombay)
of June 7, 1987 with the caption ‘Cornered’ had provided the
following suggestion.
“While
the LTTE was consolidating its position [between 1983 and 1985], several
other militant groups like the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation
Front (EPRLF), the Eelam Revolutionary Organisation (EROS), the Tamil
Eelam Liberation Army (TELA), the Tamil Eelam Army (TEA) and several
other minor groups with similar goals and objectives, but with marginal
differences in ideology, had sprung up. With the proliferation in the
number of militant groups, the Eelam movement started losing its
identity and Pirabhakaran probably encouraged by his superior military
strength and strike power, decided to assimilate lesser groups through
military action rather than through a process of dialogue (emphasis
added).
In
1986, at Pirabhakaran’s initiative, the LTTE decimated TELO, which in
1980 had been its ally in the Neerveli Bank raid (when Rs. 8 million was
looted) and also in some of its initial encounters with the Sri Lankan
army. Soon after, EPRLF was declared an enemy and became the target of
Tiger attacks.”
K.P.Sunil
was correct in identifying the factor why Pirabhkaran made a swift move
against his one-time Eelam Tamil allies. I would also add that the two
militant groups which Pirabhakaran had targeted, namely TELO and EPRLF,
had become ‘intelligence-hazards’ to the vital growth of LTTE during
that time. Being on the pay-roll of India’s intelligence wallahs, both
TELO and EPRLF, by 1986, had lost track of their original mission and
vitality and thus were becoming of nuisance value.
Regarding
Pirabhakaran’s role as an assassin of Alfred Duraiappah, I present the
following analogy. A notable number of Americans (such as Jimmy Stewart,
George McGovern and John Glenn) who later became famous in their chosen
professions, served as bomber pilots during the second world war, and
did kill quite a number of civilians in Europe by their actions. The
only misfortune these civilians living in Germany and Italy had was that
they were living under the dictates of Hitler and Mussolini. But, none
would dare to label Jimmy Stewart, George McGovern and John Glenn as
killers or as assassins. In a similar vein, the homicide of Duraiappah
has to be treated as a symptom of tension-filled phase, which engulfed
Jaffna in January 1974, with the untimely death of ten Tamils at the end
of the Fourth International Tamil Research Conference.
In
this context, I also like to cite the observations of Dutch
anthropologist Peter Kloos, made in his 1997 study, ‘The Struggle
between the Lion and the Tiger’. Kloos informs the reader that he
conducted a four-month field work in Sri Lanka (July-October 1993).
Contrary to what I had argued in an earlier section (Pirabhakaran
Phenomenon – part 10), Kloos favors 1983, as the year of the
beginning of civil war. He began his analysis with the sentences,
“Sri
Lanka is at war – with itself. Since 1983 a permanent civil war of
exceptional cruelty is raging, especially in the north and the east of
the island. This civil war is sometimes characterized as an ethnic
conflict between a Sinhala majority and a Tamil minority. To some extent
it is – but such a characteristic may unduly overemphasize ethnic
homogeneity of either population, and underestimate internal differences
and conflicts that contribute to the construction of ethnic
identities.” [in The Politics of Ethnic Consciousness, edited
by Cora Govers and Hans Vermeulen, London: MacMillan, 1997]
Then,
Kloos also identified two problems which researchers had to face in
studying the Sri Lankan civil war. The first is, “It is not possible
under present circumstances to carry out the research one would like to
do. It is impossible to carry out research in the LTTE-controlled north
of Sri Lanka and among the LTTE themselves, unless one becomes a Tiger.
This, however, implies giving up independency of views.” The second
problem is that “ethnic identity is a dynamic as well as an elusive
phenomenon; dynamic in the sense that it is being reconstructed all the
time, elusive because it can hardly be objectified.”
I
think that these two problems identified by Kloos is very relevant
(though completely ignored by other academics) in analyzing the main
criticism against Pirabhakaran (and LTTE) that he doesn’t serve the
Tamil interests since he and his group has killed so many Tamils who
disagreed with his views. In his concluding remarks, Kloos had observed:
“The
fiercest fights in the mid 1980s were between several Tamil secessionist
groups rather than between these Tamil groups and the Sri Lankan
Government. Although this intra-Tamil struggle has to some extent been
documented (see, Hoole et al. 1990; Narayan Swamy, 1994) it is not very
clear why the LTTE won that struggle: it may have had the most ruthless
and uncompromising leader of the almost forty Tamil insurgent groups
that had come into existence in the 1970s. The emergence of the LTTE may
thus have been predicated on the extreme personality characteristics of
their leader, but such an individual factor does not explain why he was
successful… Fear for Tamils created the Tigers, one could with some
exaggeration say, but fear for the Tigers resulted in seeing a Tiger in
any young Tamil (LTTE attacks, real or supposed, are usually followed by
razzia’s in Colombo, in which often hundreds of young Tamils are
remanded). In these processes of escalation, cause and effect are hard
to distinguish from each other…” (ibid)
I,
for one, believe that the thoughts of Kloos are well worth
comprehending. His references to the books of Hoole et al. and Narayan
Swamy relate to the books The Broken Palmyra and Tigers of
Lanka respectively. [Continued]