by Tamil Guardian editorial, September 21 2005
The
major
international
players
in
Sri
Lanka
–
the
United
States,
European
Union,
Japan
and
Norway
–
this
week
issued
a
stark
assessment
of
prospects
for
peace
in
the
island.
Describing
the
Norwegian
peace
process
as
facing
its
"most
serious
challenge"
since
the
Ceasefire
Agreement
(CFA)
came
into
force
in
February
2002,
the
Co-Chairs
of
Sri
Lanka’s
donors
also
expressed
their
displeasure
over
the
prevailing
situation.
Both
the
Liberation
Tigers
and
the
Sri
Lankan
government
were
criticised
for
their
respective
roles
in
the
ongoing
cycle
of
violence.
Whilst
their
extraordinary
meeting
on
Monday
was
prompted
by
the
violence,
especially
the
assassination
of
Foreign
Minister
Lakshman
Kadirgamar,
the
Co-Chairs
also
expressed
justifiable
concern
over
the
wider
political
developments
in
Sri
Lanka.
The
international
community’s
sentiments
over
the
ongoing
violence
are
understandable.
Their
reiterated
call
for
Sri
Lanka
to
honour
the
CFA
clauses
pertaining
to
the
disarming
of
Tamil
paramilitaries
is
particularly
welcome.
This
is
a
crucial
step
towards
breaking
the
cycle
and
the
process
of
stabilising
the
truce.
The
LTTE
has
reiterated
this
week
that
it
is
prepared
to
hold
immediate
talks
with
the
Sri
Lankan
government.
But
it
insists
the
discussions
must
be
held
either
in
its
controlled
areas
or
a
neutral
foreign
territory.
The
LTTE’s
security
concerns
were
underscored
by
the
Co-Chairs
themselves,
when
they
deplored
the
activities
of
Army-backed
paramilitaries
this
week.
Sri
Lanka’s
excuse
that
talks
in
a
foreign
location
would
give
the
LTTE
legitimacy
is
both
puerile
and
duplicitous.
To
begin
with,
it
is
questionable
what
this
‘legitimacy’
might
entail
beyond
recognition
of
the
simple
truth
that
the
LTTE
is
a
party
to
the
conflict.
Secondly,
if
Sri
Lanka
is
so
preoccupied
by
dubious
questions
of
legitimacy
that
it
is
prepared
to
allow
the
disintegration
of
the
CFA
(the
‘essential
anchor’
to
the
peace
process
as
the
Co-Chairs
put
it),
then
what
hope
is
there
for
negotiations
on
a
political
solution?
Meanwhile,
the
imbroglio
over
the
talks
-
and
the
debate
over
the
validity
or
otherwise
of
the
LTTE
position
-
has
clouded
a
more
fundamental
issue:
the
cycle
of
violence
will
simply
not
stop
until
the
paramilitaries
no
longer
operate
in
the
Northeast.
In
other
words,
even
if
both
sides
were
to
sit
across
a
table,
as
long
as
Sri
Lanka
continues
to
deny
its
covert
role
in
fuelling
the
shadow
war,
negotiations
will
achieve
nothing.
Both
sides
are
expected
to
meet
next
month
with
the
former
head
of
the
truce
monitors,
Major
General
Tronde
Furuhovde,
who
returns
as
a
Norwegian
envoy.
But
given
Colombo’s
emphatic
denial
that
its
military
is
sponsoring
the
Karuna
Group
and
other
paramilitaries,
there
is
little
room
for
optimism.
The
impasse
over
the
venue
is
an
effort
by
Sri
Lanka
to
avoid
the
engaging
with
the
issue
of
its
covert
support.
The
international
community
must
therefore
back
its
call
for
Sri
Lanka
to
disarm
the
paramilitary
groups
with
pressure
to
ensure
it
is
followed
through.
Political
events
in
Sri
Lanka
are
meanwhile
overtaking
the
international
peace
initiative.
Inevitably,
there
are
varying
opinions
as
to
which
of
the
two
candidates
will
win
November’s
election.
But
it
is
quite
clear
that
in
any
case,
Sinhala
ultra-nationalists
have
become
a
powerful
political
force
that,
as
we
have
argued
before,
both
Sri
Lanka’s
minorities
and
the
international
community
will
be
compelled
to
confront
them
on
the
road
to
peace.
The
battle
lines
can
already
be
discerned.
The
Co-Chairs
have
reiterated
their
commitment
to
a
federal
solution
to
end
Sri
Lanka’s
protracted
conflict.
But
Mahinda
Rajapakse’s
campaign
hinges
on
his
opposition
to
any
‘division
of
the
country.’
Whereas
to
the
international
community
and
the
island’s
minorities,
federalism
is
not
division,
to
the
Sinhala
ultra-nationalists
bearing
him
aloft,
it
most
certainly
is.
Even
if
Ranil
Wickremesinghe
wins
–
an
increasingly
unlikely
proposition
–
the
Sinhala
nationalists
will
yet
undermine
the
peace
process.
The
ignominious
fate
of
the
Post-Tsunami
Operational
Management
Structure
(P-TOMS)
is
likely
to
befall
every
advance
in
the
peace
process.
The
international
community
has
played
an
unwitting
role
in
the
ascendancy
of
the
Sinhala
nationalist
forces
in
Sri
Lanka.
There
is
no
compelling
reason
for
these
extremists
to
heed
international
sentiment,
even
when
in
power.
In
the
recent
past,
donors
have
unilaterally
and
collectively
breached
the
aid
conditionality
they
themselves
imposed.
And
whereas
little
aid
has
reached
the
hundreds
of
thousands
of
displaced
people
in
the
Northeast,
the
south
continues
to
benefit
substantially,
not
only
from
aid
flows
but
indirect
benefits
such
as
investment
flows.
In
other
words,
with
their
political
constituency
reaping
the
substantial
benefits
of
peace
already,
why
should
Sinhala
leaders
compromise
on
the
ethnic
question?
This
week
the
hardline
monks
of
the
JHU
–
now
reversing
the
argument
the
Tigers
have
been
expanding
their
military
during
the
ceasefire
–
declared
that
southern
leaders
are
over-estimating
the
potency
of
the
LTTE.
A
new
war
could
be
won
in
short
order
they
argue.
The
Tamils
–
and
we
suggest
the
international
community,
too
–
should
brace
themselves.
It
is
inevitable
that
Sri
Lanka
will
attempt
a
military
solution
again.
###
Posted September 23, 2005