MGR Remembered – Part 79

Acts of Compromise in Principles

by Sachi Sri Kantha, January 14, 2025

MGR (lt.) with his police bogey-man K. Mohandas (extreme rt. with glasses & mustache)

Fellow MGR biographer R. Kannan’s thoughts about the contents in Part 78 of this series (received on Nov 10), were as follows:

“ Part 78 of the MGR series Sachi, which I read with interest. I want to respond to the questions you pose in the coda:

Our information suggests that Indira’s candidacy from Thanjavur was not Indira Gandhi’s idea but that of her Tamil Nadu (TN) lieutenants. After 1967, and especially after 1972, Congress was a significantly weakened force in TN and had to depend on one of the two Dravidian parties to win seats in the assembly or parliament. The issue before Indira Gandhi was to get back to parliament, and the opportunity arose in Thanjavur after S.D. Somasundaram vacated the seat to become a minister in the state. It was a very harsh moment for Indira Gandhi politically. The TNCCI leaders’ dependence on MGR is entirely understandable, as they were in an alliance. Besides, Urs was no more reliable. Urs’s meeting with MGR and MGR’s meeting with Desai is understood to have brought about the change in MGR’s position. 

MGR had learnt that the one thing that he should refrain from doing is to confront the Centre. Therefore, when he was asked to choose between Desai and Indira Gandhi (Desai had told him he objected to AIADMK’s support for Indira Gandhi but didn’t mind the party’s alliance with Congress I), he deferred to Desai. 

Karunanidhi may have contested against Indira Gandhi as his district chieftains desired. When it was clear that she was not the candidate the question of him being a candidate did not arise. In any case Karunanidhi never desired a national role for himself as  member of parliament or part of a government in the Centre. 

Desai was a bitter man. He had been overlooked after Nehru’s death and a second time lost the race to Indira Gandhi. She locked him up in the Emergency. His dislike for Indira Gandhi is easily understood.” 

My response to Kannan’s thoughts was as follows:

“Thanks a lot for your solid thoughts. I completely agree with your views.

I’m not sure, how much you have known about Morarji’s personal life. When his name got registered in my mind, around 1966, when he competed with Indira and lost, and subsequently during the 1967 General election, was from DMK’s daily papers and writings, I came to know him mainly as a rabid Hindi promoter (‘Indi-veriyan‘ – that was the term used to describe him).

You certainly are correct, in stating that Morarji was a bitter man. I can add, that he was also a tragic man. This, I realized, after reading his autobiography (only vol. 2). Reading the details, he had provided in it, his anger was on Nehru, Kamaraj and other Congress leaders first, and only later – on Indira. He was only 7 years younger to Nehru. But the age difference between Indira and him is 21 years. His life is filled with tragedies. Among his 5 children, only 3 reached adulthood. And his 2nd daughter (born in 1925 – tragically named, Indu!) was a medical student and committed suicide in 1953 – at the age of 28. Her love affair with a guy, 3 years younger than her, of a different caste, split with her due to opposition. And he was suffering from this kidney condition for decades. Now, I feel rather pity for him. As was stated in the cited Newsweek feature, once he reached the PM rank at the age of 81, his mind lost all the energy needed to run the country. He was bitter on Charan Singh, as well as Sanjiva Reddy too, for tricking him.

Being born on Feb 29, Morarji was also a mathematical paradox. An unusual group – whose birthday turns up, only once in 4 years! After retirement from politics, somehow, he extended his life for 99 years, like Jimmy Carter who has now notched up a century. But there is a difference. Carter was a recipient of the Nobel Peace prize. But, Morarji was fingered as a vital CIA source for Americans by Seymour Hersch in 1983. I wonder whether Indira had this hunch about Morarji’s politics during her first term in PM tenure (1966-71).” 

Indira Gandhi’s interview with Jonathan Dimbleby, Nov 1978

In the previous chapter, I presented Indira Gandhi’s performance at Chikmagalur by-election of 1978. Immediately after that, she visited UK, and Jonanthan Dimbleby interviewed her, about her political decisions during the Emergency and subsequent events. In this interview, Indira accused Morarji Desai and his Janata colleagues as ‘destroying democracy’. She also forcefully negated the comparison of ‘democracy’ as practiced in other smaller countries, to that of democracy practiced in India. In Indira’s words, “India is not a small country like UK. It is a very big country…”

This interview is now available in the Youtube link, and I consider this as a primary antagonistic document of Janata’s rule between 1977 and 1978. The link is as follows

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q8aETK5pQR4

Those interested should watch this ~30 min video. The interview was first presented on Nov 16, 1978.

The Issue of Hindi language Enforcement and ‘dead horse’

Kalki cartoon January 14, 1979

The perennial Hindi language enforcement issue raised its ugly head in early 1979, due to the pronouncements of Prime Minister Morarji Desai. While visiting Chennai on Jan 19, 1979, to a question from reporters, ‘There has been strong opposition in Tamil Nadu for Hindi language enforcement’, Morarji had replied ‘Patriotic citizens should learn Hindi. It’s their duty….Why you talk about Hindi problem, Hindi problem and continue to beat a dead horse?’ Karunanidhi offered a rebuke to Morarji’s ‘dead horse’ comment, as follows:

‘Horses, after running fast, will sleep in the sand for a while for resting. Those who watch may think that the horse is dead. But, after resting, horse will again keep running. As for Tamil Nadu folks, Hindi was not a dead horse, but it was a resting horse. Following the anti-Hindi agitation organized by DMK, Hindi horse has regained its vigor, and we will see it jumping after Jan 25-26 Republican day festivities.’

As expected MGR and his political rival Karunanidhi promoted themselves as possessing the armor for blocking Hindi, from Tamil Nadu. Two cartoons (see Kalki cartoon 1 and Kalki cartoon 2) which appeared in the Kalki weekly magazine, lampooned the political stances of both MGR and Karunanidhi. 

In its editorial of Feb. 4, 1979, Kalki pleaded with MGR as follows:

“Chief Minister MGR who organized a Conference against the imposition of Hindi, had sent a telegram to Morarji (Desai) for pledging ‘Hindi imposition will not happen’. While passing an unanimous resolution against Hindi imposition at the Legislative Assembly, chief minister says that he trusts the prime minister. We note a discrepancy here.

Trusting someone is good. But, whom do we trust, and for what we trust deserves notice. Rather than being a Hindi supporter, Morarji Desai appears as a Hindi fanatic. When he says, ‘Those who are patriots should learn Hindi’, Morarji insults tens of million citizens who don’t wish to learn Hindi, and who wish that Hindi should have equal status to that of other national languages. He says ‘Hindi imposition will not happen’, but do not assure that ‘Indirect Hindi imposition also will not happen’. Morarji says, ‘Everything on Hindi issue will happen only legally, but not extra-legally. Our demand is not everything should be legally enforced. Our long term struggle has been there shouldn’t be Hindi imposition, and law should be revised for all languages of India to attain equal status to that of Hindi. We are adamant that Constitution deserves such an amendment. Chief Minister MGR is not one who cannot recognize this issue. We wish that he will strongly advocate our wish.

Let him offer his support to the Janata rule in other specific issues; we welcome this. But in Hindi issue, we plead the chief minister that he should be careful not to trust the Prime Minister’s words totally, and function cautiously.”

In the Center-State relationship, MGR differed from Karunanidhi’s style of politics. From 1969 to1976, Karunanidhi due to his ‘Dravidian baggage’ since 1950s had practiced ‘antagonistic politics’. He didn’t see eye-to eye with Morarji Desai, and viewed the Prime Minister as a Hindi fanatic, among his Congress Party associates.

But, MGR’s angle was ‘adjustment politics’ or one may tag it as ‘fence-sitting politics’. As a neophyte to the chief minister position, MGR couldn’t be faulted for his pragmatism, because political tussles in New Delhi and Hindi belt was beyond his control. In hindsight, we can argue that Karunanidhi also came around to ‘adjustment politics’ a decade later, following MGR’s demise. He would make deals with Morarji Desai’s junior pal in Bharatiya Jana Sangh (Bharatiya Janata Party) – Atal Bihari Vajpayee (1924-2018). Like Morarji Desai, during 1950s and 1960s, Vajpayee also carried the image of Hindi fanatic.

Fall of Morarji Desai

In January 1979, Morarji Desai was adamant in excluding Raj Narain (the buffoonish Socialist, who had the reputation of defeating Indira Gandhi in the 1977 General election) from the Cabinet, though he reluctantly included Charan Singh in his Cabinet again, and made him one of the two Vice Prime Ministers, the other one being Jagjivan Ram. This turned out to be first crack in the Janata political edifice. Due to the machinations of Raj Narain, in splitting the Janata Party, by July 12, 1979, the number of Janata Party MPs declined to 253, in the Lok Sabha of total 543 representatives. Among the 290 non-Janata Party MPs, MGR with 18 MPs had an influential role in deciding the fate of prime ministerial aspirants – Charan Singh, Jagjivan Ram as well as Y.B. Chavan (the leader of anti-Indira Congress faction).

Kalki cartoon August 5, 1979

Kalki weekly (Aug.5, 1979) published an interesting situational cartoon (see Kalki cartoon 3, presented nearby), in which MGR was depicted as a political shaman, predicting the rise of Charan Singh, while shaking the small drum (called udukku or udukkai in Tamil) ‘Support you – support you – after you, if anyone comes I’ll support him. I’ll support him.’ Behind Charan Singh, Raj Narain was also seated. With 18 MPs, in his hand, MGR was tagged in the cartoon as ‘18th step Karuppan’ shaman. Eventually, Morarji Desai resigned from prime minister position on July 15, 1979.

Extracts from MGR interviews on the Progress seen in Tamil Nadu (1977-79)

Completing two years of his party’s regime, MGR offered a two part interview to the Kalki weekly. These appeared in June 17 and June 24th issues of 1979. I provide below translated excerpts of a few questions and answers, among the 14 questions solicited from MGR.

Question 1: During the period when Mr. R. Venkataraman was the Minister of Labor, Tamilnadu held No.2 rank in industrial production. Now, it had been pushed downwards to No. 5 or No. 6 rank. What is the reason for this? What do you think are the needed steps to regain the previous ranking, and what steps are taken by you to rectify the decline?

MGR: Around 75% work in unregistered industries. Due to lack of exact statistics, either at the state level or regional level, it’s not easy to conduct research on labor productivity. Nevertheless, efforts were made to study the issue among registered industries. During 1965-66, Tamilnadu’s contribution to the nation’s economic prosperity was 9 percent. It decreased to 8.5 percent during 1975-76. Thus, Tamilnadu’s rank during 1965-66 which was 3rd, declined to 4th place during 1975-76.

The issues related to stagnancy in production include electricity shortage, reluctancy of the leaders of companies, regulations in offering financial support to industries, economic stagnancy, lack of peace among the worker population and lack of availability of charcoal, coke, iron and steel for Tamilnadu. Our government has taken steps to rectify these needs.

Question 3: How is the progress on growth in educational facilities and reform?

MGR: During the last two years, allocation for educational growth has been increased. Quality of education also shows an increase. We had established a university in the name of Arignar Anna in Chennai. Efforts are being made to establish two universities in Thiruchi and Koyamputur. After the assumption of this regime, educational budget had increased two fold. 1975-76, it was Rs 10 kodi (100 million), 1976-77 it was Rs 12 kodi (120 million), 1977-78 it was Rs 19 kodi (190 million), 1978-79, it was Rs 24 kodi (240 million). According to the recommendation of University grants commission, wages for teachers had been increased, and job security was assured. As of now, there are 36,000 schools. The number of teachers are 250,000. Student number 8.5 million. For teaching science, funds for research facilities in schools have been increased….

Question 4: Has the Arts facilities show an improvement, compared to earlier regimes?

MGR: Arts facilities are interlinked with the society. It is needed for social renovation. It is not an exaggeration to state that this government’s investment on the Arts area is greater. Historical monuments are being protected. The government is taking keen interest in sculptures dispersed here and there, for preservation. Plans are in progress to establish a permanent museum in Dharmapuri. Collection of palm (ola) leaf writing records and remnant sculptures has been expanded to five districts. In January 1979, a music college was opened in Madurai. On the Memorial day of poet Tiruvalluvar, state poet award was given to eight excellent artistes.

Under the pension scheme for artistes lingering in poverty, annually pensions are given to those unlucky artistes. 75 such artistes benefitted during 1977-78, this number increased to 101 during 1978-79 and will be 175 during 1979-80. Furthermore, Mr. Kulikkarai Pichaiappa (Nagaswaram instrument artiste) received Rs 10,000 for medical expense, from Chief Minister’s fund.

Movies contribute much to art world. This government encourage activities of movie producers and artistes who produce good movies. Government offers 100,000 rupees per movie, to subsidize the cost of five movies annually… Entertainment tax system has been scientifically revised.

Question 7: Do you think that labor strikes and agitations have political links?

MGR: Yes. In Tamilnadu, labor unions and linked to each political parties – Communist Parties, Indian National Congress, Anna DMK, DMK, Janata….

Question 8: Has there been an increase in tourists to Tamilnadu, compared previously? What steps are being taken to welcome tourists to Tamilnadu now?

MGR: Foreign tourists who had visited Tamilnadu in 1978 numbered 225,000. That is 30 percent of the foreign tourists who visit India, comes to Tamilnadu. Foreign tourists who visited India in 1978 were 748,000. To attract foreign tourists to Tamilnadu, we do make efforts by publicity in foreign countries. In addition, efforts are being made in other Indian states like West Bengal, Gujarat, and Maharashtra to attract Indians to Tamilnadu….

Question 9: How to solve the issue of Farmers’ agitation? What steps are you taking now?

MGR: To approach the issues faced by the farmers, their requests, demands and opportunities needed for them, this government adopts a new angle. Many times, my Cabinet ministers and I had met farmers and discussed their demands. Based on such talks, following options were allowed.

Electricity rate for farming 16 paisa per unit was decreased to 14 paisa per unit for big scale farmers, and 12 paisa per unit for small scale farmers. Pump set meter renting charge was decreased from 5 rupees to 4 rupees per month. The interest charged for farming loan was 12.60 rupees for 100 rupees. This was decreased to 12.00 rupees for 100 rupees. For small scale farmers, the interest charged was further decreased to 10.50 rupees to 100 rupees….

Question 14: Does cordial relationship prevail among the Tamilnadu Cabinet ministers? Such a relationship doesn’t exist is the talk of the town.

MGR: Relationship is different, from bonding. Those who serve as ‘yes men’ to what the Chief Minister tells have to be ignorant on everything, or they maybe irresponsible of their allocated duties as a Minister. Arignar Anna had taught us special bonding amongst us. That is, to respect the allocated duty, to submit to discipline and also to express opinions with decency. In this manner, my Ministers use their intelligence to debate among us, but respect the decision made by the leadership. Merely because I’m the Chief Minister, I do not hold the view that I know everything. As such, as of now,there is no problem of difference in opinion. This will be the same in the future. If difference of opinion (policy differen ce) prevails, to ignore this for the benefit of holding the ministerial post don’t exist among any of us.

Few Comments on MGR’s Omissions

MGR had omitted mentioning that he nominated poet Kannadasan (his strongest critic, as well as professional pal of more than two decades) for the Tamilnadu Poet Laureate position for Life. And Kannadasan did accept this nomination. Magnanimity shown by MGR, to his strongest critic was a feather in MGR’s crown. Before I began this MGR biography in 2012, I wrote an essay on Kannadasan’s criticism on MGR in 2011 Those interested can check this essay, in the following link

https://sangam.org/2011/10/Kannadasan_Booklet.php?uid=4486

Previously in Part 32 of this series ) I made passing mention about Kannadasan’s 1977 booklet as well.

Secondly, no question was asked by Kalki’s interviewer about the Eelam Tamil issue in 1979, for MGR to respond. But, since 1978, seeds for activities of Eelam Tamil militants in Tamilnadu were sown here and there, due to repressive acts of J.R. Jayewardene’s regime. MGR couldn’t have been ignorant on these developments. As the then nominal leadership of Eelam Tamils was in the hands of Appapillai Amirthalingam (the leader of TULF) who was more friendly with Karunanidhi, the leader of DMK, MGR played an aloof role. I should mention, that I was privy to the information (as I was then an Assistant Lecturer of Biochemistry in 1979) that, it was through MGR’s assistance that Amirthalingam’s son Baheerathan was able to enter a medical school in Tamilnadu. To the best of my knowledge, this information had not been divulged until now. Prior to that, Baheerathan entered the Dental course, in Faculty of Medicine, University of Peradeniya in late 1979. And he attended this course for a term; but being the ‘son of Amirthalingam’ faced a hostile environment in Peradeniya. I negotiated with my senior colleague (whose sister was married to a brother of a TULF MP for Paddiruppu in parliament then) to offer a recommendation letter to Baheerathan, which eased the path of Baheerathan to enter a medical school in Tamilnadu.

What MGR had omitted about his negotiations with the leader of C.N. Narayanaswamy Naidu (1921-1984), Tamil Nadu Vivasayikal Sangam, is available in a book authored by MGR’s police chief K. Mohandas. Four paragraphs from this book is given below:

“The State wide ‘bandh’ organized on 23rd April 1979 by the Agriculturists’ Association led by C. Narayanaswami Naidu, purportedly to condemn the Vaigaikulam police firing, was in fact, to provoke violence and intimidate the government, but was, by all accounts, not a success. Life was normal in the major part of the State, thanks to the administration’s firm and well-planned handling of the situation.

However, the day was marked by a few gruesome incidents of violence like the cruel hacking to death of two well-to-do farmers as a result of police firing in Coimbatore district. Naidu and his lieutenants had been continuously inciting the farmers to violence over the past few months but the murder of the sub-inspector so shocked the conscience of the public and the body politic, that Naidu was forced to call off the bandh at mid-day within minutes of the incident. Political leaders who had secretly connived with Naidu in their anxiety to settle scores with the AIADMK government, soon vied with each other to issue strongly worded statements condemning the violence that culminated in the murder of the sub-inspector. The speeches made in the Legislature by the Opposition leaders were certainly not complimentary to Naidu, and the announcement of his arrest was greeted with enthusiastic applause from both the Opposition and Treasury Benches.

Reliable behind the scene information indicated that Naidu went ahead with the ‘bandh’ plan, despite some last minute rethinking on the part of his close advisors who had come to know that the Agricultural High Power Committee was shortly coming up with solutions to redress the long standing grievances of the small and middle-level farmers. But Naidu was apparently not interested in solutions that would remove the reasons for the very existence of his organization. His ambitions lay elsewhere. The more enthusiastic of his followers had been hailing him as the next Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu and this had apparently gone to his head. His interest therefore, lay in keeping the agitational movement alive by refusing to have any dialogue with the government, let alone striving to find workable solutions to the farmers’ problems. On the contrary, he was gradually giving the organization a political orientation and using the hapless farmers as a means to gain power.

In his cell at the Palayamcottah Cental Jail, Naidu was reported to be a sadder and wiser man. Given to creature comforts, he was understandably uncomfortable. He petitioned for transfer to a cooler place on grounds of ill health but this was rejected. He appealed to his followers (through some supporters who met him in the jail) to organize another stir in protest of his arrest from April 30 by picketing government offices. But there were absolutely no takers and his ego was deflated.”

A critical and contrasting view of MGR’s Two Year Rule

A critical and contrasting view to that of MGR’s bogey-man Mohandas was presented by an anonymous correspondent of Economic and Political Weekly of June 30, 1979. Excerpt follows:

“To MGR attacks on the vulnerable sections of the people had never been a ‘law and order’ problem; this was always the exclusive handiwork of industrial workers, farmers and students….

The agriculturists’ agitation continues to dount MGR. Led by rich farmers – who, characteristically, have demanded cancellation only of cooperative debts and not debts from non-institutional sources – the movement has managed to inspire both the big and small farmers, thanks to the government’s total failure to isolate the kulaks by offering concessions to medium and small farmers.

The agitation led to police firing in April 1978 which claimed 14 lives. Exactly a year after, in the firing Vagaikulam, in the Chief Minister’s own constituency, five people, including two peasant women, were killed. Not concerned in the least, the Chief Minister asked the police to continue to deal with law-breakers firmly and broadcast a most provocative speech – this has become customary by now – on the eve of the state-wide bandh called by the agriculturists’ union led by Narayanasamy Naidu, to protest against the Vagaikulam firing. More blood was spilled and two more lives were lost.

The peasants of Vagaikulam and some other villages had on several occasions in the past stalled the digging of wells by the government to supply drinking water to some villages, on the apprehension that the water table would go down and their irrigation wells would dry up. It took the killing of five people for the Chief Minister to order an inquiry to find out whether there was any basis for their fears. Such an assurance given earlier would have saved the five lives, but would have been totally out of tune with MGR’s style. With the promptness customary on such occasions, Rs 5,000 was granted to the bereaved families.

The protest bandh called for April 23 might have passed off without claiming further lives but the government had foresworn that the bandh would be a flop and was determined to prove itself right. The ‘firm’ handling led to the death of a Sub-Inspector and a youth. In several villages lives were spared, but the lathi was not…”

The same report also focused on another peculiar format of MGR style of governance. “Foisting false cases and rounding up workers at the behest of managements are not MGR’s innovations, but special to his style has been the policy of not withdrawing the charges even after an amicable settlement had been reached at the work-sport and normalcy restored, as had been customary so far. All requests for withdrawal have been met by the staid reply ‘the law will take its own course.’ ”

Death of actor M.R. Radha – mentor turned assassin

Actor M.R. Radha, a mentor for MGR in stage drama and cinema, who later turned out to be his real life assassin in 1967, died in a private hospital in Tiruchi, on Sept 17, 1979 morning, suffering from jaundice. He was 72, at the time of his death. According to Tiruchi R. Soundararajan, (1933 – 2009, then, a MLA and a Cabinet minister in MGR’s party, and an actor in bit-parts of MGR’s movies), “towards the last days, Radha had lost his senses and died with regaining sense. None of the prominent personalities in cine field attended Radha’s funeral. As per the shooting incident (in 1967) neither Radha nor MGR haven’t revealed the reason(s). Though many reasons were suggested, It was not due to political differences. It was a personal issue between them.”

In a publicly released condolence message in the evening, MGR appreciated Radha’s public career as a deserving disciple of Periyar E.V. Ramasamy, who followed his leader’s policies to the dot, and espoused the principles of Periyar in stage drama and cinema. But, what MGR felt personally about Radha’s attempt to assassinate him on January 1967, remained as a secret with him. Between 1961 and 1966, MGR and Radha had co-starred in a total of 20 Tamil movies, Radha mostly in villainous roles. Thus, MGR never treated Radha as an adversary of him, even after Radha’s release from prison for his crime. In a couple of occasions, they even met personally in public functions; one was that of the funeral of Periyar E.V. Ramasamy in December 1973. Another occasion was at the wedding of comedian actor Manorama’s son Bhoopathy.

It was reported in the media that MGR wished to visit the funeral ceremonies to pay his tribute in person, but for reasons of security protocols and avoiding any unwanted incidences, Radha’s family opted not to accede to MGR’s wish.

Karunanidhi also recorded the following “ After speaking at the function of birth centenary of Periyar [E.V. R] organized by the Dravida Kazhagam at Thanjavur on 17th, I visited Sangiliyandapuram, Tiruchi to pay my final respect with a flower wreath to Radha. Anbil Dharmalingam, Mannai Narayasami and Tennarasu were three who accompanied me. I expressed my condolences to Radha family members. I’m saddened to write here, those three who were with me, when I paid condolence to Radha are no more now. [in 1997]”  v 

Cited Sources

Anonymous correspondents: AIADMK in true colours. Economic and Political Weekly, June 30, 1979; 14(26) 1074-1076.

Anon. – M.R. Radha died. Eelanadu (Jaffna). Sept 18, 1979, pp. 1 and 6.

Editorial: Pleased, but…, Kalki, Feb 4, 1979, 37(37): pp. 5-6.

Kannan: MGR – a Life, Penguin Books, Gurgaon, Haryana, 2017, pp. 260 – 264

Karunanidhi: Nenjukku Neethi, vol.3, Thirumagal Nilayam, Chennai, 1997, pp. 323-324, 341-347, 366.

Manaa [S.D. Lakshmanan]: Final days of Radha, by Tiruchi Soundararajan, M.R. Radhaa – Kaalaththin Kalaignan, Uyirmai Pathippagam, Chennai, 2007,pp. 134-136.

Mohandas:: MGR – The Man and the Myth, Panther Publishers, Bangalore, 1992, pp. 42-43.

Salan: MGR interviews on Progress in Tamil Nadu. Kalki weekly, part 1, June 17, 1979; part 2, June 24, 1979.