Tamil Guardian editorial; London, May 19, 2004
Amid the hectic diplomatic activity of the past two weeks and the broad hints from officials on both sides last week, the prospect of direct negotiations between the Liberation Tigers and the Sri Lankan government seemed brighter than ever before. The comparative quiet this week is hence somewhat unsettling. Even the visit to the island this week by Japan’s Special Envoy, Yasushi Akashi, has not settled the gnawing anxiety felt by those desirous of a negotiated solution to the ethnic conflict. It is understood that the resumption of talks will be formally announced by Norwegian government when both sides are in agreement on the agenda, modalities, etc. As such, the delay, whilst frustrating, is entirely justified. As Mr. Akashi himself pointed out: “We don’t want hasty negotiations in which the sides are ill-prepared… It is important to have substantial and fruitful negotiations.”
Amid the unilateral statements issued by senior officials on both sides last week, we glimpsed some of the issues being thrashed out – and understood that there is broad agreement on many of these. But the devil, as ever, is in the details. The objective of the first talks between the Liberation Tigers and President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s newly elected United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA) government would be an interim administration for the war shattered Northeast. The LTTE’s proposals for an Interim Self Governing Authority (ISGA) outline the immediate and most pressing aspiration of the Tamil people. As we have argued repeatedly before, the LTTE’s position that a permanent (i.e. a constitutional) solution to one of Asia’s most protracted ethnic conflict cannot be undertaken amid the prevailing suffering in the Tamil areas, is wholly justified. Abstract notions of power sharing and inclusive democracy mean nothing when a million people are languishing in refugee camps and welfare centres. Indeed, it is only when the Tamil people have been resettled and life begins to return to normalcy that they can meaningfully participate in a process of constitutional change.
On the other hand, as we have also argued before, President Kumaratunga is more concerned with rushing through a new constitution this year than with existential difficulties of the Tamil people difficulties, it should not be forgotten, wrought mainly by her destructive ‘war for peace.’ Mrs. Kumaratunga’s main objective is to pave the way for her continued rule. Whilst it is quite clear she will not be able to achieve even this with her minority government, discussions on a permanent solution would, under these circumstances, be an exercise in utter futility. It is a given, furthermore, that Sri Lanka’s fanatical Buddhist clergy and her ultra-nationalist Parliam-entary allies, the Janatha Vimukthi Perumana (JVP) will torpedo the slightest compromise. An interim administration, whilst a humanitarian necessity, is also the only topic which could be meaningfully discussed by this government and the LTTE.
It is also worth noting that the United National Party (UNP), keeping to the traditional remits of every Sinhala opposition party, has already denounced the UPFA’s peace efforts as a sham. Whilst the charge the UPFA is only engaging in the peace process to secure international funding is correct, the UNP’s declaration that it will not support the UPFA’s decisions, given the present political balance in Colombo, has already put paid to any hope that the peace process might make some progress. On the other hand, as the UNP demanded this week, it is incumbent on the international community, particularly the donors, to scrutinise the Sri Lankan government’s conduct before volunteering any economic assistance. After all, it was unqualified foreign funding which paid for the weaponry that so comprehensively destroyed the infrastructure of the Northeast.
May 19, 2004
Originally published May 21, 2004