by M. Nadarajan, August 19, 2004
Rudyard Kipling wrote “East is East and West is West and never the twain shall meet.” A modern day poet would be tempted to write a Tamil is a Tamil and a Sinhalese is a Sinhalese and never the twain shall meet (except perhaps on a battlefield).
The goings on in the island of Ceylon, renamed Sri Lanka, where there has never been a Ceylonese or Sri Lankan nation, but only two groups both of which have the attributes of a Nation, as specified by the United Nations, makes one wonder, if ever there would be a meeting of the minds of the two Nations
It is said that the first casualty in war is truth. If one reads the Sri Lankan Press, one would come to the conclusion that it is so in politics as well. Leading politicians issue statements, which are contrary to those made by the leaders of their own parties and by fellow Cabinet ministers. There is no such thing as collective responsibility of the cabinet. Having made statements, they deny making them, and even contradict official statements appearing in the government’s own press, radio and TV. No one knows who to believe, what to believe and, whether it would not be changed again the same day, the next day, or the day after. A sorry state of affairs indeed.
What is all the fuss about the JVP not seeing eye to eye with the PA on most matters, and particularly, in the peace process?
The President knew this would happen beforehand. She has admitted this to a newsman when she told him that the JVP would swallow the SLFP and that would be the end of the SLFP. When asked then why she agreed to the MOU between the two parties, she said “you should ask that from the Central Committee.” Her brother Anura was an active member of the committee promoting the union. Small wonder that the President did not attend the ceremony for the signing the MOU. Now she has resigned from the position of President of the UPFA, and poor Anura, who expressed his desire to succeed his sister, lost out to a Sinhala Buddhist hardliner who did not contest the elections, was even left out of the National list, and was brought in later as an afterthought.
What is all this fuss about the ISGA proposals being a step towards a separate Country?
In what way? People can read into the proposals whatever they want. But there is no intention to separate. The LTTE agreed in Oslo to give up the demand for separation provided Tamil aspirations are met. It agreed to explore a federal arrangement with internal self-determination. This has been repeated several times since. Unlike the Sinhalese side, the LTTE speaks with one voice. The reasons why Tamils opted for separation are well known and need not be repeated here. It was as last resort that Tamils decided on separation when everything else failed.
What is all this fuss about the LTTE walking away from the talks in April 2003?
This was only to be expected since LTTE had repeatedly pointed out to the government and Norway, the facilitator, that several conditions of the MOU were not complied with, agreements reached during talks were not implemented, and that the Tamil people neither had reaped any peace dividends, nor had their lives returned to normalcy, particularly in regard to their ability to return to their residences or carry out their normal vocations without let or hindrance. T he security forces continued to harass the Tamil people in various ways. Had those complaints been attended to, there would have been no need to stop attending talks. To add insult to injury, the LTTE was left out of the Pre-Aid Conference in Washington with the full knowledge and approval of the government of Sri Lanka. Where is the concept of parity?
What is all this fuss about the concept of the ISGA?
The concept of an Interim Administration was agreed to after the signing of the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord and had the approval of President Jayawardena and the Indian Government. The LTTE was to have the majority seats in that administration and it was to be in existence for five years. This did not come about because the government objected to one of the persons proposed by the LTTE. Both Chandrika and Ranil offered Interim Administrations to the LTTE. Chandrika, in an interview to a magazine, even mentioned that she was prepared to give such an administration to the LTTE for ten years. Ranil, I believe, agreed to give five years.
The ISGA proposals were drafted with some of the best Tamil legal brains available, including an Ex-Attorney General of Sri Lanka, and several international advisors. It took several months of preparation. Those who made adverse comments on the proposals read what they wanted to read in them, without any reasoning or logic. Contrary to pronouncements made, it is not the first step to separation; nor does it have any proposals that are not found in other similar arrangements, temporary or final. In a feature article of the Sunday Observer of Aug 8th, the ISGA has been described as “Imaginary political structure not in existence anywhere in human habitation.” What hogwash. This shows how ignorant people are who venture to make such comments. This writer has written articles on the contents of the ISGA, as well as “Worldwide Comments on the ISGA proposals” which were posted on various websites, and expose the fallacies of the arguments made.
Now let us examine the various suggestions that are being put forward.
1.The ISGA proposals have to be discussed concurrently with the final settlement.
The final settlement has been discussed with both major Sinhalese parties individually, at all party conferences, round table conferences, and during private exchanges of views over a period of 55 years, without being able to solve the problem. The problems were ostensibly solved when written pacts were entered into. However in every instance the Sinhalese side abrogated the pacts.
Almost all Sinhala parties do not want a solution based on absolute equality, justice and dignity. Their combined view is that Tamils have to be given, maybe, some concessions. Sinhalese politicians have one ambition and that is to somehow or other grab power. They see that as the way to personal gratification and making money. At various times prominent Sinhalese leaders have advanced concepts such as Tamils are ‘invaders,’ ‘creepers,’ ‘being minorities they cannot ask for rights,’ ‘what rights have they?’ etc. While they may not openly say so, the view of such leaders is that Tamils are to be treated as second-class citizens and given some meager concessions to keep them quiet.
Tamils are not asking for concessions, but only for their rights. What is the guarantee that what could not be solved over 55 years is going to be solved soon? It would take several years. Rehabilitation, reconstruction and development cannot wait that long. Arrangements have to be made and some powers given in order to administer the Tamil area.
Besides, the outline of a final solution has been agreed in Oslo. The LTTE made the major commitment to give up the demand for separation, so long as Tamil aspirations are met. They agreed to explore a federal arrangement with internal self-determination within a united Sri Lanka. Obviously these have to be discussed in greater detail. It is only when an interim administration is in place and functioning, that discussions should start on the final solution.
2.Discuss government proposals which would be a combination of 1995, 1997,2000 recommendations, in addition to a new set of proposals.
The 1995, 1997 and 2000 proposals were obviously not found satisfactory. To look at a hodgepodge of the three proposals and to throw in a fourth one, and to expect to discuss them will be an almost impossibility. The Government should look at the previous proposals and, with the knowledge of what the LTTE wants, it should not be difficult to come up with some proposals which it feels would have the chance of acceptability. The LTTE did not say that the ISGA should be accepted ‘in toto.’. They only said that the ISGA should be the basis of the talks. I feel, that if the ISGA is discussed first the LTTE may be prepared to also discuss an alternative government proposal – one and not several.
3.Negotiation on an Interim Authority should be within the framework of a United Sri Lanka.
Noone has said anything about the ISGA being outside the framework of a united Sri Lanka. The Oslo declaration refers to finally a federal arrangement with internal self- determination, obviously in a Sri Lanka with a federal constitution.
4. The Interim Authority must be part of the final settlement.
The Interim Authority is to function till a final settlement is arrived at. The final settlemtn is what everyone wants. Interim is what it means—”Interim.”
5. We should have a roundtable conference of all parties.
Can you imagine? If two cannot solve the national question, how can twenty?
6. The final settlemtn would be placed before the country in a referendum for approval
It looks like a good idea, but after most Sinhalese politicians have persuaded the Sinhalese population, which is about 74% in the country, over a period of 55 years to be anti-Tamil, raising communal passions against the Tamils, and having not campaigned in Sinhalese areas that Tamils are part of the citizenry of the country who have to be treated as equals, it is a tall order to expect Sinhalese to vote to treat Tamils with equality and dignity. The vast majority of the population is ignorant and is not conscious of the destruction caused by war on both sides.
7.The Peace Plan would be discussed in Parliament in October
In view of what has happened in Parliament in the recent past, can you imagine the cackle of voices, shouting, use of foul language, and attempts at assault or actual assaults by an unruly crowd of 225 persons trying to sort this matter out? That is the surest way of seeing the problem would not be solved.
8. The government is prepared to discuss an ISGC
What is in a name, except that it would fool some people to think it is like a Municipal Council. A rose by any other name smells just as sweet. Why fight over what it is called, so long as the body can carry out all activities that the Administration could carry out. It is, however, better to call a spade “a spade” rather than by some other name.
Perhaps, seriously speaking, the time may have come for the parting of ways, and should we not do so in a civilized manner, without any bloodshed as was done in the split up of Singapore and Malaysia or the Czech Republic and Slovakia or the split up of the Soviet Union into several republics?
A few years ago Asiaweek magazine in an article on Sri Lanka ended by saying “It is not for the Tamils to decide whether they want a war or not, it is for the Sinhalese to decide that.”